The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was considered among the most influential incumbents of that office in American history. Although numerous vice-presidents were limited to marginal or ceremonial positions, Cheney exercised huge influence during the term of George W Bush, so much so that he was often referred to as the "real president".
Bush objected to that description and claimed the dynamic was more nuanced. He pointed out that Cheney was courteous, always referring to him in public settings as Mr President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their partnership as a partnership because it indicated that they were on equal footing. Regardless of these objections, Cheney viewed the laidback president malleable on a wide array of policy decisions.
The Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a contingent of neo-cons that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. As Bush headed for a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took command, commanding the destruction of any non-communicating planes nearing the Capitol building.
Cheney said the strikes altered his perspective, causing him to be intent on retribution. Together with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Controversial Policies
He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the enhanced interrogation of individuals apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was founded on misleading information circulated by Cheney, was the right path to take. "It proved to be the proper decision to do at that time. I was convinced back then and I believe it presently."
However during that period, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I saw, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, carelessness, and irresponsibility: at worst, falsehoods, incompetence, and dishonesty."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not completely accountable for the Iraq military action. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for such action. He had composed a memorandum outlining circumstances in which US concerns might be threatened (including "obtaining crucial commodities, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the United States should be prepared to take unilateral action when collective action cannot be arranged," explicitly mentioning defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the Oval Office vaguely intent on carrying out what his predecessor had famously refused to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been dismissed by the president, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of lowering America's participation in the Middle East dispute and proposed armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a plot to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally objected to that one of the most prominent hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a image of his father's countenance that everyone had to walk over.
Interrogation Methods
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most vehement behind attacking Iraq, repeatedly citing agency briefings that were whether insubstantial or totally misleading. He supported what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "advanced techniques", the use of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate report in 2014 that found that no valuable data had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the report as "loaded with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place procedures to catch the perpetrators who took the lives of 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they earn a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney reveled in monikers imposed on him by detractors such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that remains unseen come out of his lair? This represents a nice way to work, in fact."
Corporate Connections
Debate over his corporate affiliations pursued him during his tenure as second-in-command. Even though he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but established relationships in military, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the presidency. Contentiously, during the military campaign, Halliburton was given US agreements worth multiple billions.
It made him rich. His yearly compensation during his tenure at the company grew from his quarter-million dollars when he was military head to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a severance arrangement worth more than $20m|twenty
